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Archived News Articles: NMD and Foreign Policy
Excerpts from U.S.Newswire:
http://politics.yahoo.com/politics/features/us_newswire/20011/0111-136.html
REMARKS BY SAMUEL R. BERGER
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS
THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS NEW YORK, NEW YORK
January 11, 2001
[Clinton admn.]
"... The first principle is that our alliances with
Europe and Asia are still the cornerstone of our
national security, but they must be constantly adapted
to meet emerging challenges....
In Europe, we revitalized NATO with new partners, new
members and new missions...Southeast Europe, which has
been a flashpoint for European conflict throughout the
20th Century, now has the potential to become a full
partner in a peaceful Europe -- if we don't snatch
defeat from the jaws of victory. Our European allies
already are carrying the overwhelming share of this
burden, 85 percent of the peacekeeping troops and 80
percent of the funds. But we can't cut and run, or we
will forfeit our leadership of NATO. ...We should
support Europe's efforts to assume greater security
responsibilities -- so long as our European friends move
forward in cooperation, not competition, with NATO. ...
...A second principle that guides our foreign policy in
a global age is that peace and security for America
depends on building principled, constructive relations
with our former great power adversaries, Russia and
China. ...little else will be possible in our
relationship with Russia unless it builds a pluralistic,
prosperous society inexorably linked to the West.
...With China, our challenge has been to steer between
the extremes of uncritical engagement and untenable
confrontation. ...
...A third principle that must guide American foreign
policy is that local conflicts can have global
consequences ...the challenge of foreign policy in any
age is to defuse conflicts before, not after, they
escalate and harm our vital interests. ...What's more,
the disproportionate power America enjoys today is more
likely to be accepted by other nations if we use it for
something more than self-protection. ...
...A fourth principle is that, while old threats have
not all disappeared, new dangers, accentuated by
technological advances and the permeability of borders,
require expanded national security priorities. ...Going
forward, one of the most important decisions America
must make is how to meet the future ballistic missile
threat from hostile nations. That future threat is real
and we must take it seriously. But National Missile
Defense is an intensely complicated issue --
technically, internationally and strategically. I hope
the new Administration will not be driven by artificial
deadlines as it considers the best course. And it is
inconceivable to me that we will not fully explore the
initiative with North Korea and the potential of curbing
the missile program that is at the leading edge of the
threat driving the NMD timetable today. ...
...A fifth principle that should continue to drive our
foreign policy is that economic integration advances
both our interests and our values, but also increases
the need to alleviate economic disparity....Working to
bridge the global divide is not merely a matter of
national empathy; it is a matter of national interest.
The global system that creates prosperity for Americans
is not sustainable in the long term if billions of
people decide they have absolutely no stake in it.
...The overriding reality is that American leadership,
in cooperation with our friends and allies is essential
to a more secure, peaceful, and prosperous world. ...Our
extraordinary strength is a blessing. But it comes with
a responsibility to carry our weight, instead of merely
throwing it around. That means meeting our
responsibilities to alliances like NATO and institutions
like the UN. It means shaping treaties from the inside
... instead of packing up our marbles and going home, as
the Senate did with the CTBT. Otherwise, we will find
the world resisting our power instead of respecting it.
When our friends call us a "hyperpower" we should not
apologize. But to remain strong, we must be a hyperpower
they can depend on. We must remember that there is a
difference between power and authority. Power is the
ability to compel by force and sanctions, and there are
times we must use it, for there will always be interests
and values worth fighting for. Authority is the ability
to lead, and we depend on it for almost everything we
try to achieve. Our authority is built on qualities very
different from our power: on the attractiveness of our
values, on the force of our example, on the credibility
of our commitments, and on our willingness to listen to
and stand by others. ..."
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